Abraham Lincoln Quotations | Page 4

Laughter is the joyous universal evergreen of life!

I do not boast that God is on my side, I humbly pray that I am on God's side.

If you love something, set it free.

If the good people in their wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too familiar with disappointments to bevery much chagrined.

if you want your name to be remembered after your death either do something worth writing or write some thing worth reading

The Bible says somewhere that we are desperately selfish. I think we would have discovered that fact without the Bible.

You can have anything you want, if you want it badly enough.

Whereas, the Senate of the United States, devoutly recognizing the Supreme Authority and just Government of Almighty God, in all the affairs of men and of nations, has, by a resolution, requested the President to designate and set apart a day for National prayer and humiliation...

The only person who is a worse liar than a faith healer is his patient.

The Autocrat of all the Russias will resign his crown, and proclaim his subjects free republicans sooner than will our American masters voluntarily give up their slaves.

President Lincoln was once criticized for his attitude toward his enemies. "Why do you try to make friends of them?" asked an associate. "You should try to destroy them." "Am I not destroying my enemies," Lincoln gently replied, "when I make them my friends?"

I was raised to farm work.

He who sees cruelty and does nothing about it is himself cruel.

Too many piglets not enough tits.

Character is like a tree, and reputation is like its shadow.

I will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. It is not the Constitution as I would like to have it, but as it is, that is to be defended. The Constitution will not be preserved & defended until it is enforced & obeyed in every part of every one of the United States. It must be so respected, obeyed, enforced and defended, and let the grass grow where it may.

Familiarize yourself with the chains of bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them.

Our strife pertains to ourselves-to the passing generations of men-and it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one generation.

Moral principle is a looser bond than pecuniary interest.

We shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it.

I believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with himself and the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise interferes with any other mans rightsthat each community, as a State, has a right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that State that interfere with the right of no other State, and that the general government, upon principle, has no right to interfere with anything other than that general class of things that does concern the whole.

I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone.

You may burn my body to ashes, and scatter them to the winds of heaven; you may drag my soul down to the regions of darkness and despair to be tormented forever; but you will never get me to support a measure which I believe to be wrong, although by doing so I may accomplish that which I believe to be right.

We cannot ask a man what he will do, and if we should, and he should answer us, we should despise him for it. Therefore we must take a man whose opinions are known.

I have got you together to hear what I have written down. I do not wish your advice about the main matterfor that I have determined for myself.

I could as easily bail out the Potomac River with a teaspoon as attend to all the details of the army.

Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.

The enthusiastic uprising of the people in our cause, is our great reliance; and we can not safely give it any check, even thoughit overflows, and runs in channels not laid down in any chart.

The political horizon looks dark and lowering; but the people, under Providence, will set all right.

I want in all cases to do right.

[Uniting workers should not] lead to a war upon property, or the owners of property.

In the early days of the world, the Almighty said to the first of our race "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread"; and since then, if we except the light and the air of heaven, no good thing has been, or can be enjoyed by us, without having first cost labour.

As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I can not enter the ring on the money basis--first, because, in the main, it iswrong; and secondly, I have not, and can not get, the money. I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects, in a political contest, the use of some, is both right, and indispensable.

Now if you should hear any one say that Lincoln don't [sic] want to go to Congress, I wish you as a personal friend of mine, wouldtell him that you have reason to believe he is mistaken.

Our common country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views, and boldest action to bring it speedy relief.

And then, the negro being doomed, and damned, and forgotten, to everlasting bondage, is the white man quite certain that the tyrant demon will not turn upon him too?

What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution of Slavery?

The ant, who has toiled and dragged a crumb to his nest, will furiously defend the fruit of his labor, against whatever robber assails him. So plain, that the most dumb and stupid slave that ever toiled for a master, does constantly know that he is wronged.

I wish all men to be free. I wish the material prosperity of the already free which I feel sure the extinction of slavery would bring.

Our political problem now is "Can we, as a nation, continue together permanentlyforever--half slave, and half free?" The problem is too mighty for me. May God, in his mercy, superintend the solution.

I wish to see, in process of disappearing, that only thing which ever could bring this nation to civil war.

In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something different from the purpose of either party.

I never knew a man who wished to be himself a slave. Consider if you know any good thing, that no man desires for himself.

Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease.

We want, and must have, a national policy, as to slavery, which deals with it as being wrong.

It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat, if I neglect my business this year as well as last.

We must work earnestly in the best light He gives us.

Surely He intends some great good to follow this mighty convulsion which no mortal could make, and no mortal could stay.

We must believe that He permits it [this war] for some wise purpose of his own, mysterious and unknown to us; and though with ourlimited understandings we may not be able to comprehend it, yet we cannot but believe, that he who made the world still governs it.

Now, at the end of three years struggle the nation's condition is not what either party, or any man devised, or expected. God alone can claim it.

We shall yet acknowledge His wisdom and our own error therein.

The will of God prevails.

God can not be for, and against the same thing at the same time.

Gratefully accepting the proffered honor, [to inscribe a new legal work to him] I give the leave, begging only that the inscription may be in modest terms, not representing me as a man of great learning, or a very extraordinary one in any respect.

The unpleasant events you are passing from will not have been profitless to you.

Twenty-two years ago Judge [then-Senator Stephen] Douglas and I first became acquainted. We were both young then; he a trifle younger than I. Even then, we were both ambitious; I, perhaps, quite as much so as he. With me, the race of ambition has been a failure--a flat failure; with him it has been one of splendid success.

I affect no contempt for the high eminence he [Senator Stephen Douglas] has reached. So reached, that the oppressed of my species,might have shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence, than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow.

My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age; and he grew up, literally without education.

I am absent altogether too much to be a suitable instructor for a law-student. When a man has reached the age that Mr. Widner has,and has already been doing for himself, my judgment is, that he reads the books for himself without an instructor. That is precisely the way I came to the law.

Every head should be cultivated.

Almost every thing, especially of governmental policy, is an inseparable compound of the two [good and evil].

In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak, and as strong; as silly and as wise; asbad and good.

I certainly know that if the war fails, the administration fails, and that I will be blamed for it, whether I deserve it or not. And I ought to be blamed, if I could do better. You think I could do better; therefore you blame me already. I think I could not do better; therefore I blame you for blaming me.

A right result, at this time, will be worth more to the world, than ten times the men, and ten times the money.

If the union of these States, and the liberties of this people, shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two yearsof age, but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming time.

The government will support you to the utmost of its ability, which is neither more nor less than it has done and will do for allcommanders.

Much is being said about peace; and no man desires peace more ardently than I. Still I am yet unprepared to give up the Union fora peace which, so achieved, could not be of much duration.

Now, and ever, I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with the maintenance of government.

Legislation and adjudication must follow, and conform to, the progress of society.

The power of hope upon human exertion, and happiness, is wonderful.

Doubtless you begin to understand how disagreeable it is to me to do a thing arbitrarily, when it is unsatisfactory to others associated with me.

But fight we must; and conquer we shall; in the end.

If I had my way, this war would never have been commenced. If I had been allowed my way this war would have been ended before this.

I think the authors of that notable instrument [the Declaration of Independence] intended to include all men.

I am not a very sentimental man; and the best sentiment I can think of is, that if you collect the signatures of all persons who are no less distinguished than I, you will have a very undistinguishing mass of names.

The case of Andrews is really a very bad one, as appears by the record already before me. Yet before receiving this I had orderedhis punishment commuted to imprisonmentand had so telegraphed. I did this, not on any merit in the case, but because I am trying to evade the butchering business lately.

I was elected a Captain of Volunteers--a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since.

I was born and have ever remaind [sic] in the most humble walks of life.

I have no wealthy or popular relations to recommend me.

Our eldest boy, Bob, has been away from us nearly a year at school, and will enter Harvard University this month. He promises verywell, considering we never controlled him much.

Most governments have been based, practically, on the denial of equal rights of menours began, by affirming those rights. They said, some men are too ignorant, and vicious, to share in government. Possibly so, said we; and, by your system, you would always keep them ignorant, and vicious. We proposed to give all a chance; and we expected the weak to grow stronger, the ignorant wiser; and all better, and happier together.

No one has needed favours more than I, and generally, few have been less unwilling to accept them; but in this case, favour to me,would be injustice to the public, and therefore I must beg your pardon for declining it.

As to the whiskers, having never worn any, do you not think people would call it a piece of silly affectation if I were to begin it now?

Gen. Schurz thinks I was a little cross in my late note to you. If I was, I ask pardon. If I do get up a little temper I have no sufficient time to keep it up.

Allow me to assure you, that suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation.

I find quite as much material for a lecture in those points wherein I have failed, as in those wherein I have been moderately successful.

You already know I desire that neither Father or Mother shall be in want of any comfort either in health or sickness while they live.

It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions we enjoy, have developed the powers, and improved the condition, of our whole people, beyond any example in the world.

There is a vague popular belief that lawyers are necessarily dishonest. I say vague, because when we consider to what extent confidence and honors are reposed in and conferred upon lawyers by the people, it appears improbable that their impression of dishonesty is very distinct and vivid. Yet the impression is common, almost universal.

The matter of fees is important, far beyond the mere question of bread and butter involved. Properly attended to, fuller justice is done to both lawyer and client.

You must think I am a high-priced man.... Fifteen dollars is enough for the job. I send you a receipt for fifteen dollars, and return to you a ten-dollar bill.

As a general rule never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than a common mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case, as if something was still in prospect for you, as well as for your client.

I am not an accomplished lawyer.

Nor must Uncle Sam's Web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broadbay, and the rapid river, but also up the narrow muddy bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been, and made their tracks.

[If not re-elected in 1864] then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he can not possibly save it afterwards.

You may have a wen or a cancer upon your person and not be able to cut it out lest you bleed to death; but surely it is no way tocure it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body.

In using the strong hand, as now compelled to do, the government has a difficult duty to perform. At the very best, it will by turns do both too little and too much. It can properly have no motive of revenge, no purpose to punish merely for punishment's sake. While we must, by all available means, prevent the overthrow of the government, we should avoid planting and cultivating too many thorns in the bosom of society.

I never trusted a man who never smoked or drank.

Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration

Calling a tail a leg does not make it a leg.